By Jennifer E. Brooks
Within the aftermath of global battle II, Georgia's veterans--black, white, liberal, reactionary, pro-union, and anti-union--all stumbled on that carrier within the struggle greater their feel of male, political, and racial id, yet usually in contradictory methods. In Defining the Peace, Jennifer E. Brooks exhibits how veterans competed in a prolonged and occasionally violent fight to figure out the complicated personality of Georgia's postwar future.Brooks reveals that veterans formed the foremost occasions of the period, together with the gubernatorial campaigns of either Eugene Talmadge and Herman Talmadge, the defeat of entrenched political machines in Augusta and Savannah, the terrorism perpetrated opposed to black electorate, the CIO's force to prepare the cloth South, and the controversies that ruled the 1947 Georgia common meeting. innovative black and white veterans solid new grassroots networks to mobilize electorate opposed to racial and fiscal conservatives who adverse their imaginative and prescient of a democratic South. so much white veterans, in spite of the fact that, opted to help applicants who favourite a conservative software of modernization that aimed to change the state's monetary panorama whereas maintaining its anti-union and racial traditions.As Brooks demonstrates, global warfare II veterans performed a pivotal function in shaping the war's political impression at the South, producing a politics of race, anti-unionism, and modernization that stood because the war's longest enduring political legacy.
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Extra resources for Defining the Peace: World War II Veterans, Race, and the Remaking of Southern Political Tradition
Such statistics led historian Steven F. Lawson to conclude that the voter drives of the 1940s “had skimmed the cream oﬀ the top and succeeded with those most receptive to their message,” namely, African Americans in the urban South. Enfranchisement proved slowest in the rural black belt where African Americans outnumbered whites and, consequently, met the stiﬀest white resistance. 119 In Georgia the turbulent gubernatorial campaign of 1946 saw seven whites register for every single new black voter, and a University of Georgia study found that local politicos had so padded voter lists in thirty counties that the number of white registrants exceeded the number of white residents.
Jacobs and others hired a Savannah attorney to defend the suﬀrage rights of over three hundred of Pierce County’s African American citizens. A federal judge ordered that all names of qualiﬁed voters be put back on the voting lists. ”112 In Appling County, R. B. Dunham, who had written so eloquently and bitterly of the hypocrisy in asking black Georgians to send their sons to die overseas, noted that when “me and my wife went to our precinct where we was told we had to go to vote and was denied the right .
Similar reports came from counties throughout Georgia, but particularly from the rural black belt. Fear of white retaliation and a lack of federal protection diminished black citizens’ willingness to put their lives on the line. ” 115 The spate of racial violence that permeated postwar Georgia and the South gave intimidation and threats a convincing ring of truth. In Walton County, for example, many cited the atmosphere created by Talmadge’s race-baiting campaign of 1946 as directly contributing to the lynching of the Dorseys and the Malcolms.