Modality-Aspect Interfaces: Implications and Typological by Werner Abraham (Ed.), Elisabeth Leiss (Ed.)

By Werner Abraham (Ed.), Elisabeth Leiss (Ed.)

The most subject matters pursued during this quantity are in keeping with empirical insights derived from Germanic: logical and typological tendencies approximately aspect-modality hyperlinks. those are probed in quite a few non-related languages. The logically establishable hyperlinks are the subsequent: Modal verbs are point delicate within the choice of their infinitival enhances – embedded infinitival perfectivity implies root modal examining, while embedded infinitival imperfectivity triggers epistemic readings. in spite of the fact that, in marked contexts corresponding to negated ones, the aspectual affinities of modal verbs are neutralized or maybe topic to markedness inversion. All of this implies that languages that don't, or basically in part, bestow upon complete modal verb paradigms search to precise modal diversifications by way of their element oppositions. This typological guiding principle is investigated in various languages from Indo-European (German, Slavic, Armenian), African, Asian, Amerindian, and Creoles. Seeming deviations and idiosyncrasies within the interplay among element and modality turn into hugely rule-based.

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Since epistemic modality verifies for states and ongoing events, there is a strong convergence between epistemics and Imperfectives.   Werner Abraham Let us now argue with respect to the third claim above, (11c): If perfectivity is two-phased in the sense of (23a, b) below, then negation will focus on one of the two phases. Let us say that it takes the resultant phase in its scope while unscoping the first, incremental phase. Or, else, the first, incremental phase is negated, while the second, resultant one remains unscoped by Neg.

Nevertheless, let us first address the basic question in (11a), “perfective aspect is compatible with root modality”. The following distinction in terms of event structure is from Abraham (1990b). See (12a, b). On the logic of generalizations about cross-linguistic aspect-modality links (12) a. eΘ = external role, iΘ = internal semantic role b. eΘ = external role, iΘ = internal semantic role Key: t1, tm, tn are points on the temporal axis representing the event. The event structure of terminative verbs is biphasic containing an approach phase as well as a resultative phase (∀tx:x,(1–n) (t1 − tm) (E1) ↔ (tm − tn) (E2)); tm is a referential point belonging to both event phases simultaneously, E1 as well as E2.

We owe to Padučeva (this volume) the explanation of this hypermarked selection of perfective infinitives by modals in negated sentences in Russian. This selection is possible only when epistemic modals are negated. It does not show up when deontic modals appear in negated sentences. This insight has not yet been exploited to understand the aspectual behavior of modals in negated sentences in the older stages of the Germanic languages. 3 Epistemicity, imperfectivity, and tense In the earlier stages of the Germanic languages such as Gothic, Old English, Old High and Middle High German, the (analytic) future tense is formed by a modal verb such as “will” and “shall” + infinitive of an imperfective verb.

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